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Mission

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  1. (MAD Magazine, Feb/Mar 1953, V-Vampires, p. 21)
  2. I'll bid on having you apply one of those to your forehead and posting a photo here.
  3. I thought this was sort of vivid in its description. It's from John Atkins' The Navy Surgeon: “But to return: There is still a farther Inconvenience attends Heat and Moisture, in such warm Countries as Guiney and the West-Indies, and contributes to the Sickness of a Ship’s Company, and that is, their being productive of infinite Numbers of Insects, (ab his oriuntur cuncta cuobus,) Ants especially who raise Hills in Africa to eight or ten Foot high, Garisons that will devour a __ dead Sheep in a Night’s Time: Of these we get Variety, and numberless Commonwealths on Board with out Woods, as also Cockroaches, Maggots, and Flies of various Species. I shall not pretend any of these to be the malignant Species that blight and destroy Plants, or effect Murrain in Cattle, or Plague among Men, according to Dr. Bradley; but this I may be confident in, that by nesting themselves in infinite Numbers among dry Provisions, they prey on the Heart and Substance of it, and so make them less Salutary and fit for Nutriment. Salt and Heat does the same by wet Provisions; especially Irish Meat most used in the West Indies, being half eat up as we call it, with Salt, in a few Months after landing there, giving room to Complaints and Sickness.” (Atkins, Navy Surgeon, p. 355-6)
  4. Speaking of vinegar, I just came across this in John Atkins The Navy Surgeon, "This Observation should teach us Lessons of Cleanliness, to wash the Ship often with Vinegar, to keep the Men clean and shifted, no great Difficulty, where there is Warmth and Water enough, restrained from Drunkenness where Temptations present, and to let them have as free and frequent Communication with the fresh Air, (by opening the Ports, as may be consistent with Safety, and their other Affairs, Points too much overlooked and disregarded, though of the greatest Consequence to preserve a Ship’s Company on a Voyage." (Atkins, p. 354)
  5. They seem like they could be a potentially great pirate weapon to me - they create fear and confusion, same as the flag. Mustard was used in plasters to raise a blister (to help release bad humors.) That seems like it would have been a curious period salve for burns.
  6. To point, though, Sydenham published that in response to a letter in 1681. According to the dictionary, 'squib' means firework. His description certainly seems to be that of the effects caused by something like a firework.
  7. Treatment for sunburn is not really mentioned in anything I've read. If you were a sailor, you'd be outside all the time and I suspect you would only get a sunburn at the beginning of a voyage and that would only be if you hadn't spent much time outside before that. If it was really bad, I suppose they'd treat it like a normal burn. Salad dressing (probably oil and vinegar), butter and the white of eggs come up repeatedly as burn treatments. However, there seem to be all sorts of folk-remedies for burns. Richard Wiseman says, "But the common remedy is, to apply Salt and an Onion beaten together." John Woodall lists all manner of things for burns, including wine vinegar: "And beginning __ thy worke with Lotions, (as namely either a fomentation made with oyle and water, or with a decoction of the seedes of Quinces, or of Mallowes, March-mallowes, Violets, and a little Pursaline seede) these and the like take away all the powder that sticketh in the flesh, for it hindereth the cure. And to asswage bothe the dolor thereof, and the vitious humors, Mel Saponis is an approved remedy, for it taketh the fire out. And to make it more easie for suppuration, use Anodine Medicaments (as Ceratum refrigerans Galeni, populeon mixt with a third part of Unguentum album, or a third part of Triapharmacon and Oyle of Roses, or Oyle of Eggs, or of Roses mixt with the white of an egge, Axungia procina washed in the juyce of Plantane, or the juyce of Solanum, or in water: also the fat of rustie bacon washed in Rose-water, or the like. Also a decoction of wine vineger {pound}j..." (Woodall, p. 145-6) Stephen Bradwell recommended "salad oil mixed with white of egg to form a coagulum, or an ointment of butter, camphor, sulphur and seeds of cucumber applied on old linen."
  8. This is from Sydenham's book The Whole Works of that Excellent Practical Physician Dr. Thomas Sydenham (10th Edition): "...by which the Design of the Physician is as much frustrated, as he would be, that should endeavour to call out a great Number of Men, contained in a large House, orderly one after another, by flinging a Squib amongst them; which on the contrary would so disturb them, that all endeavouring to come out at once, the Passage would be so wedg'd up, that they would be all shut in." (Sydenham, p. 277) A squib, meaning a firework? Or what? Could you purchase such a thing at this time or did you make them? It seems like something a pirate might have had use for to me if I understand it right.
  9. I'm not aware of one. I suspect they're still trying to work details out with the fort. That seems to take time. The person I'd ask would be Lily Alexander. You could also ask Fayma, but she's not on line that much.
  10. It's happening again this year. I don't know if this is a pirate event or not, but I thought I'd pop the website in her for those interested. http://blessingofthefleetstl.captainweil.com/
  11. You got me there. Physicians were the medical theoreticians of the day and they generally looked down upon surgeons for getting their hands dirty. I have been quoting you info about surgeons because I don't have much on physicians. I have only partially read one physician's book (Sydenham). I quite like the guy's philosophical outlook so I guess that's why I'm sort of defending it. I half-intended to read Dover's autobiography because he's the only physician I know of who served with anything close to pirates (privateer Woodes Rogers), but he is kind of an odd duck as I have suggested. In the balance, I guess I'd have to agree with you, based on my somewhat limited knowledge, that much of what the physicians were doing was sort of useless for the most part. (Reading urine, prescribing things like herbals, bleeding, purging and so forth.) However, keep in mind that the surgeons did a lot of the bleeding, cupping, purging and Mercury administration, so when you complain that these things did more harm than good, you're also talking about surgeons. On ships, they also made the medicines because they were the only ones capable of doing so. (Curiously almost every surgical manual I've read has prescriptions included in it, so I really wonder how strictly the separation between the surgeon and physician was observed on the subject of medicines.) I have sort of shied away from the subject of herbal medicines, partially because it's not the surgeon's most important job, partially because I can't fully understand the abbreviated Latin the surgeons use in their books (although I'm very slowly getting better at that) and partially because it just flat doesn't interest me much. But I do wonder about the healing properties of some of these herbal remedies. Even today there is some evidence that some herbal remedies have healing powers. On top of that, there is great likelihood that they would have worked well as placebos if nothing else.
  12. I don't say the harmed more than helped; I honestly don't know. I think it depends on what they were treating. Stephen R. Bown notes in his excellent book Scurvy: How a Surgeon, a Mariner, and a Gentleman Solved the Greatest Medieval Mystery of the Age of Sail. “The survival rate for serious injuries was very low, sterilization and anesthetics other than rum non-existent, and surgical techniques in their infancy.” (Bown, p. 93) So complicated operations were often risky (although he doesn't actually provide proof of this, it does make sense.) I do recall reading that anyone with severe damage to their torso (the area protecting the organs) were usually thought to be beyond hope and the best remedy was to dress their wound and make them as comfortable as possible. On the other hand, they had procedures for repairing intestines and lithotomy. We don't really have collected data on survival rates or anything like that. (I had heard somewhere that someone was working on creating some sort of database of the results of 17th and 18th century medical treatments based on the naval surgeon's journals that the Royal Society has, but I don't know if that is still going on, abandoned, finished or what.) I do recall reading that 50% of the people being ...here it gets somewhat hazy... trepanned or perhaps amputated... survived, but I have not since been able to find that quote in my notes. (I used to use it in my presentations, but I stopped when I couldn't find the source. It was probably referring to trepanation because amputation was a pretty common operation at this point. A surgeon's worth was often judged by how fast he could do an amputation - 2 - 3 minutes being usual.) From what I've read in the surgeon's books, most people survived bleeding, even if the procedure didn't do any real good. What it may have done was give the patient time to heal on their own - bleedings were usually prescribed to be spaced out over many days or weeks. I guess you could say this was doing more harm that good, but I don't think that many people were bled to death. (Although some certainly were.) Keep in mind that many of the surgeons were acutely concerned of the amount of pain and suffering they caused a patient and that affected their treatments. There are also several references to not discrediting themselves or their profession by killing patients, so I doubt if a lot of people died from a popular treatment like bleeding they would have carried it on for two millennia based solely on tradition. As for quacks, they also had medicines they peddled, the effects of which may or may not have been harmful. Their preparations were highly secret, so we can't really tell if they were better or worse than the herbal remedies employed by the physicians and apothecaries. Since quacks tended to be itinerant, they could not even be called to answer for any harm they may have done. Then there were borderline quacks who were physicians like Dr. Dover who prescribed Mercury for everything. Note that he was also ridiculed in print by other physicians and surgeons. (To his credit, Dover claimed to have taken Mercury every day. At least he believed in his product.) We even have some evidence that sailors preferred a ship with a surgeon to one without, so the surgeon's work couldn't have been completely detrimental to the patient. As Dampier informs us in his book, "[1687] It was only want of being busied in some Action that made them [the men who stayed on Captain Swan's ship while they were at Mindanao] so uneasie; therefore they consented to what [Captain] Teal proposed [mutiny, basically, leaving everyone on shore behind while those on the ship sailed away under Captain Teal], and immediately all that were aboard bound themselves by Oath to turn Captain Swan out, and to conceal this Design from those that were ashore, until the Ship was under Sail; which would have been presently, if the surgeon and his Mate had been aboard; but they were both ashore, and they thought it no Prudence to go to Sea, without a Surgeon: Therefore the next Morning they sent ashore one John Cooksworthy, to hasten off either the Surgeon or his Mate, by pretending that one of the Men in the Night broke his leg by falling in the Hold. The Surgeon told him that he intended to come aboard the next Day with the Captain [swan], and would not come before, but sent his Mate, Herman Coppinger... … But to proceed, Herman Coppinger provided to go aboard; and the next Day, being the time appointed for Captain Swan and all his men to meet aboard, I went aboard with him, neither of us distrusted what was designing by those aboard, till we came thither. then we found it was only a Trick to get the Surgeon off [the land and onto the ship]..." (Dampier, p. 253-4) That's a lot of trouble to go to to get a skilled medical practitioner on board, which at least suggests that the surgeon did somewhat more good than harm. Sir John Keevil, author of Medicine and the Navy 1200-1900: Volume II – 1640-1714 says, “Certainly the sea-surgeons of this period were more skilled and more highly esteemed than their predecessors, and in all the immense mass of records relating to the Commonwealth and Protectorate, none containing criticism of them has yet been discovered: the charlatans and mountebanks, against whom [William] Clowes had railed, had completely disappeared.” (Keevil, p. 34)
  13. PoD sent me a link to this book and it is a hoot! Based on my skim-read of about 20 pages, it is not at all a surgical manual despite its title. It is a gossip column! If you want to get an interesting take on the mid-late part of the period we re-enact, check it out: The High-German doctor It sort of looks like a collection of newspaper columns or pamphlets to me.
  14. Where are you staying Beowulf? (The Ramada is within walking distance.)
  15. I think you're being sort of harsh on the poor physicians of old. They were doing what they knew and were taught. The only way you can go beyond what you know is by taking risks - and we're talking people's lives here, so the concern about risk-taking would necessarily be heightened. Medicine was (and in some ways still is) a half-step behind other experimental pursuits, most likely because of this. One of the great things about physician Sydenham is that he didn't just buy in wholesale to the idea that just because the 'ancients' (Hippocrates, Galen and so forth) said something that it was necessarily true. He tried small things in his treatments using a form of the scientific method. (Remember that this too was fairly new in human history at this time. We take the concept of scientific experimentation and control for granted today.) As for all the 'treatments'...well there are lots of reasons that they were the way they were. Humoral theory really does seem sort of logical when you think about the necessity of fluids to our bodies and the ways they start behaving when we're sick. It just so happens that it was wrong for the most part. The problem with Mercury and salivation is one of not understanding the disease. Syphilis goes into remission after each of the first two stages and someone unfortunately made a connection between the symptoms going away and salivation. I read that the second stage Syphilitic symptoms go into remission after 4 - 6 weeks. If you figure the time it took for a patient to need the doctor and the delay of Mercury getting 'effective' salivation working (a week or two), this may explain how we got the Mercury Syphilis cure. On the other hand, most physicians were very aware of the dangers of Mercury and cautioned strongly against its over-use and use in other cures. (Most of them...we won't talk about Dr. Dover. ) As for 'searing,' cauterization was actually falling out of favor for most wounds. In certain situations it was still used - particularly when bleeding could not otherwise be stopped. At least three of the authors I've read who recommend using cauterization in a specific situation also warn against using it unless absolutely necessary as well as advising the surgeon to keep the instruments out of sight of the patient until the last moment possible. What I wonder is how many of the professed medicinal things we do today are unknowingly, absolutely useless. In the future they will no doubt look back upon our medical treatments and shake their heads. We like to think we know a lot, but I'll bet we're wrong about more than we would like to admit. I can't remember who it was who said it, but someone I was listening to said medicine today (this was in the 90s) is where industry was at the turn of the 20th century. And I don't doubt that that's true.
  16. I dunno...you think they'd decide to stop after clearing a billion internationally? Besides, anyone remember the Delta House TV follow up to Animal House? *shudder*
  17. Oh, and the actual treatment for fevers (which includes some of that stuff you listed - they didn't differentiate them very well) included the usual humoral treatments - bleeding, purging, sweating and herbal medicines. Even Sydenham, one of the 'great' physicians of the day, suggested that nature was often the best cure. For gangrene there was amputation and there was death. That was pretty much it, although I can recite a list of herbal medicines that probably didn't help much once gg had set in. I haven't come across a reference to successful treatment of lockjaw so far. (I do believe I saw something that sounded like lockjaw, but was thought to be a symptom of a fever or disease. However, I think the patient died.)
  18. Here's some more. "Agues [Fevers with regularly alternating chills, fever, and sweating] have a great many [people]; and dispersed into many Hands, on Purpose as it were, to Relieve such common Objects of Pity. Succeeding often after the [Jesuit's] Bark [the active ingredient of which was quinine, it was used to treat Malaria] has failed, and when one Sort will not do, another has. Ague resisting Amulets, says Dr. [Thomas] Willis, have often been applied to the Wrist with Success. Abracadabra wrote on Paper conically {triangle} hung about the Neck, and repeated by a Patient, will have good Effect. The Herb Lunaria gathered by Moon-light, I have been assured by a Dignitary in the Church, not only cured him of an obstinate Dysentery made into an Ointment, and rubbed warm down the Spine three times [presumably he means the Lunaria, not the product of the Dysentery]... I had it from an old Gentleman of Eighty, who having spent all his Living upon Physicians, was at Length healed of a Strangury [painful urination], by procuring a new Glass-Bottle never wet __ inside or out; P[issin]g it full, and burying in the Earth." (Atkins, p. 275-6) Ah, here is where he talks about Placebos! I thought he did. He is quoting Verulam (by whom I think he is referring to Francis Bacon again) here: As this Gentleman is allowed by all, to have been one of the greatest Genuis's England ever produced, He may help to strengthen what has already said on the Power of Amulets. "After deep metaphisical Observations in Nature, and arguing in Mitigation of Sorcery, Witchcraft, and Divination, effects that far outstrip Amulets["]: He says, we should not reject all of this Kind, because it's not known how far these attributed to Superstition depend on natural Causes. "Charms have not their Power from Contracts with evil Spirits, but proceed wholly from strengthening the Imagination["]: In the same Manner that Images and their Powers have prevailed in Religion, being called from a different Way of Use and Application, Sigills, Incantations, and Spells." Imagination works very powerfully upon Mind and Body, and no doubt the strongest Ingredients in these Cures, Dr. Strother says, the Influence of the Mind and Passions operates on the Body in sensible Operations like a Medicine, are of greater Force upon the Juices [this refers to humors, thought to be the source of all health and illness at this time] than Exercise." (Atkins, p. 277) And that is more than enough of that.
  19. You're correct about inoculation. Smallpox was the first inoculation understood and it was only done on a very small scale in the beginning. (And had a higher mortality rate than 'dead' strains of the virus, so there was much debate about it for quite some time.) Most (if any) sailors would not have had access to that. I haven't really focused on this aspect of medicine, but I can tell you that there were scads of things - charms, specifics, patent medicines and so forth. Somewhere out there is an entire book containing quack medicine ads from around our period, although I've never read it. Since my interest does not lie in this direction, my notes don't contain much on it. However, as it happens, I was yesterday entering the last few notes from John Atkins book The Navy Surgeon (published in 1742, although nearly all of his dated "case references" are from 1700-1720s) in and he has a whole chapter on Amulets. One thing I like about Atkins is that he believes somewhat in empirical methods (observation and experimentation), which is why I found his comments interesting for possible future re-posting when I read them. So here is some material which may be of use to you, some of which I had highlighted specifically to be posted on the forum when the subject of witchcraft, magic and other such nonsense came up. (I had actually forgotten I'd done this, so you hit upon this topic at the exact right time): "Amulets bordering upon, if not the Patients of Empiricism, exact some distinct considerations. All Remedies working Sympathetically as it were, and plainly unequal to the Effect, may be stiled Amulets; whether used at a Distance by another Person, or immediately about the Patient; there being various. The common are understood of something worne at the Neck, Wrists, or other Parts. By the Jews, called Kamea. The Greeks, Phylacteries. By the Latins, Amuleta, or Ligatura. Catholicks, Agnus Dei, or consecrated Relicts. And, by the Natives of Guiney [Africa], Fetishes. Different Sorts of Materials had in great Veneration by those People, and are firmly believed to preserve from Danger and Infection, as well as remove their present Maladies. Of very ancient Use I believe among all Nations: Plutarch relates of Pericles, an Athenian General, That when a Friend came to see him, and enquiring after his Health, reached out his Hand and shewed the Amulet; intimating the Truth of his Illness, and at the same Time, the Confidence he put in customary Remedies. They continue still, and even with us, who have thrown off Superstition, of frequent Use among the Populace: The Fanciful, the Timerous, or such who have nothing to spend in politer Physick [ie. many regular folk], or hate it [ie. people who would today believe in the healing power of crystals, magnets, phrenology and such other junk. Or perhaps I'm editorializing here...]. Mr. Phips, General in my Time for the African Company at Guiney, a Gentleman of good Understanding, and that could laugh at others Fetishing, when he ailed himself, could not help falling into the same Method with the Negroes at the first Appearance of Illness and Danger. They were not nauseous he said, cost nothing, and were at hand; a Mark, if we allow a Providence, that the Poor are equally his Care, who oftentimes cannot get, or cannot purchase other Means of Amendment. His __ Example with Good, constantly related from them, the propagated their Credit, I could see, with others of the Factory: And when many had apply'd them to their Fears some would succeed (as surely as if they had took Ward's Pill [Ward's Pill would be considered genuine medicine at this time. Follow the link to learn more about it.]; ) that Success tempted others and inspired Spirit and Courage to contend with Danger, a good Chance of itself to escape an Evil: And is very Ungracefully laughed at by Christians who think Salvation itself will be an Effect of their Faith. Lord Bacon says, If a Man were to wear a Bone Ring, or a Planet Seal, strongly believing he might by that obtain his Mistress, or it would preserve him unhurt at Sea or in Battle, it would probably make him more Active and Industrious upon all Dangers; and the Effect, especially in civil Business would answer: The Audacity he thinks in some Measure, conquering and binding weaker Minds. The King's Pictures in Gold will act upon thousands; and inspire a Courage and Industry, to undertake or overcome any Sort of Danger -- So the Amulet or Fetish is a Sort of Armour to our Fears; and those who experience Success or fancy so, strengthens their Influence with others. The Way of redoubling their Virtues being to increase their Reverence, and bring them nigher and nigher to Infallibility." (Atkins, p. 274-5) Atkins almost made it to explaining placebos, but not quite. That seems to me the most likely explanation here. But I am editorializing again.
  20. Tobacco was actually thought to have some healthful effects. I haven't found any references to this during period in the medical books, but I have found some equipment for that purpose from just after period. See the wiki on tobacco enemas. (It's curious that they quote Sydenham having written about this in 1809 when he died in 1689. I suspect Rush (the editor?) inserted that comment and it is mis-attributed. I am reading his book now, if I find that quote, I'll cite it for you. Yhey also claim he used the word 'glysters' when he has so far written it 'clysters' based on my reading. Good ol' wiki...) Although these may have been in limited use or have been peddled by quack practitioners. (I don't really know as the latest medical book I've read is 1742 and it mostly refers to the early 18th century.) As for the prevalence of cigars and cigs during period, we've had a couple discussion on that. By and large the trend seems to have been to pipes as even my references indicate. However, you can see some of the discussions on cigarettes here and here.
  21. (From Sam and Max: Surfin' the Highway by Steve Purcell. Not sure which page.)
  22. One of the topic sections in my notes is specifically set aside for the effects of tobacco use and interesting comments on it. You know what? There's precious little in that section - they just don't mention it as a relevant behavior very often in the medical books, the journals or other period references I have read thus far. My suspicion is that it was so ubiquitous and thus unremarkable that it didn't merit mentioning for the most part. William Rayner Thrower says something about it, but I always take Thrower with a grain of salt because I have proof that some of the statements he makes in his books on piracy are wrong. Still there's probably something to the Navy comment: “The consumption of tobacco at sea was immense, whether smoked or chewed, and when tobacco became an official naval ration each man was allowed 2 lbs. a month. To light your pipe you used the slow burning match, the same sort of fire that gunners used in touch holes.” (Thrower, Life at Sea in the Age of Sail, p. 136) Here's a couple that won't at all answer your question, although they hint at how prevalent the stuff was: “Neither are ships and we poor seamen out of great danger of our lives in calms and fairest weather, for the least fire may set a ship on fire, many ships having been burnt by some careless man in smoking a pipe of tobacco; and in carelessless of the cook in not putting the fire well out at night; and of burning of a candle in a man’s cabin, he falling asleep and forgetting to put it out; and by burning of brandy and other strong liquors; and in many other ways a ship is set alight, and when they are on fire, it is a hundred to one if that you put it out, everything being so pitchy and tarry that the least fire setteth it all in a flame; and also there is great danger of the powder, for the least spark with a hammer or anything else in the room where it is, or the snuff of a candle causeth all to be turned into a blast, and in a moment no hopes of any person’s lives being saved, from death in the twinkling of an eye.” (Edward Barlow, Journal of his Life at Sea in King’s Ships, East and West Indiamen & Other Merchantman, p. 60-1) “[1675, the fflorentine] And the country people, which were Danes, came aboard to see us, for our ship was a pretty ship and they loved good drink very well, and tobacco, and for two or three pipes of that, they would give us four or five great lobsters, each of them if they had been in London would have been worth two shillings the piece; or as much with very good fish, but is a very rocky and barren country for any corn.” (Barlow, p. 254) “The Pelican, above-mention’d, is a large Sea-Fowl, with a very long Bill, and bandy Legs, as may be seen in Plate 5. Numb. 5. flies slow and heavy, and therefore easy to be shot; feeds altogether upon Fish, and consequently tastes fishy, having a very large Craw serving to carry Provinder in, of which our Men make very good Tobacco-Pouches.” (Edward Cooke, Voyage to the South Sea and Round the World in the Years 1708 to 1711, p. 120) “…to Get in Truck for our Prize-Goods what we wanted; they having plenty of Cattel, Goats, Hogs, Fowls, Melons, Potatoes, Limes, ordinary Brandy, Tobacco, Indian Corn, etc. Our People were very meanly stock’d with Clothes, and the Dutchess’s Crew much worse, yet we are both forc’d to watch our Men very narrowly, and punish several of ‘em, to prevent their selling what Clothes they have for Trifles to the Negroes, that came over with little things from St. Antonio’s. The People at all these Islands rather chuse Clothing or Necessaries of any sort than Mony, in return for what they sell.” (Woodes Rogers, A Cruising Voyage Round the World, p. 21) “There are places in it [the island of Manila] will produce anything: Corn; Cloves; Binamon; Pepper; Mulberry Trees for Silk-Worms. Tobacco there is a great deal and good; as much Ebony as can be desir’d; Sandalwood in the Mountains, but not of the best sort.” (Domingo Navarrete, The Travels and Controversies of Friar Domingo Nabarrete 1618-1686, p. 98) “[1686]The Dutch come hither [Mindanao] in Sloops from Ternate and Tibore, and buy Rice, Bees-wax, and Tobacco; for here is a great deal of Tobacco grows on this Island, more than in any Island or Country in the East-Indies, that I know of, Manila only excepted. It is an excellent sort of Tobacco; but these People have not the Art of managing this Trade to their best advantage, as the Spaniards have at Manila. I do believe the Seeds were first brought hither from Manila by the Spaniards, and even thither, in all probability, from America: the difference between the Mindanao and Manila Tobacco is, that the Mindanao Tobacco is of a darker colour; and the Leaf larger and grosser than the Manila Tobacco, being propagated or planted in a fatter Soil. The Manila Tobacco is of a bright yellow colour, of an indifferent size, not strong, but pleasant to Smoak.” (William Dampier, Memoirs of a Buccaneer, Dampier’s New Voyage Round the World, p. 228)
  23. Sydenham has much to say about medicines particularly Laudanum, so I decided to split this topic out of the one it was in because I keep coming across interesting quotes on the subject. "For instance, being call'd to a certain Patient, that was almost destroy'd with this dreadful Symptom... and with violent Vomiting, and just dying by reason of the violence of the Convulsions; he was in a cold Sweat, and his Pulse could scarce be felt: I gave him twenty five Drops of my liquid Laudanum in one Spoonful of strong Cinnamon-water; for I did not dare to give a larger Vehicle, lest it should occasion Vomiting (as it often happens when there is a great inclination to Vomiting) and sitting by the Bed about half an Hour, and perceiving the strength of the Medicine was not sufficient to stop the Vomiting, nor the Convulsions, I was forced to repeat it, and to increase the Dose so (but there was such a space as that I might know what was to be hoped for, from what was already taken before I gave any more) as that the violence of Symptoms was at length quell'd; but yet they were apt upon the least Motion to rebel, and therefore I strictly order'd that the Body should be kept very quiet for a few days, and that he should taken now and then the aforesaid Medicine in smaller dose, when he was well, to confirm the business; and this succeeded according to my desire. Nor is there any reason why any one should count me too bold, because I venture to give so great a quantity of liquid Laudanum; for it is plain by Experience, that for those Diseases Preparations of Opium are indicated (and they are three, violent Pain, Vomiting, or a great Looseness, and great Disorders of the Spirits) in these both the Dose of the Remedy, and the Repetition of it, must be according to the greatness of the Symptom: for that dose which will be sufficient to quell a small Symptom, will be overcome by a stronger; and that which would otherwise endanger the Life of the Patient, will in such a case save his Life." (Sydenham, p. 220) I think it's particularly interesting that among "those Diseases [where] Preparations of Opium are indicated" he includes "great Disorders of the Spirits." Laudanum - the predecessor to Zoloft? Keep in mind that he is a physician not a surgeon. Physicians were not usually on ships, except for higher 'rate' British Royal Navy ships like first- and maybe second- and/or third-rate ships. (Don't quote me on that. I read it somewhere, but it's not really relevant to my research so it's not in my notes.)
  24. It was Labat. I just got a copy of the Hakluyt Society translations of Labat last week, but since it's not inedexed and I wouldn't have put such a thing in my notes I can't cite the page number. Everyone should read his book. It's such a great period read.
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